Suchergebnisse

Initiatives to reduce transatlantic trade barriers or to harmonize trade-related domestic policies in the EU and the US appear regularly on the agenda of policy makers. The last decade saw also considerable steps in transatlantic economic cooperation focusing on special aspects. In February 2002, a new call for a study on the benefits of a transatlantic free trade area (TAFTA) was made by the President of the EU Council to facilitate further liberalization schemes. This article examines recent developments in transatlantic economic policies, discusses changes in approaches in transatlantic regionalism and presents estimates of the economic consequences of transatlantic liberalization. Given the expected small benefits of a TAFTA and the induced costs for multilateral liberalization negotiations, the article discusses alternatives to TAFTA and argues for a multilateral approach, eventually being accompanied by some sort of open regionalism.

Political and economic ramifications of a proposed transatlantic free trade area (TAFTA) merging the EU and NAFTA regional trading zones; 5 articles.

The paper is devoted to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which is also called the Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA). The problem is whether TTIP should be created, and if yes, what shape it should take, and how it will affect the economies of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). The aim of the paper is to answer the questions: what is the essence of the TTIP agreement, what reasons for this project are and what consequences will it have? At first, the authors present a declining role of the EU and the US in the global economy. Next, they analyse trade and investment flows between the EU and the US. Then, they analyse main motives for TTIP and present the course of TTIP negotiations. In the next section, the authors discuss the main barriers to the eco­nomic relations between the EU and the US. Then, they deal with controversies around the protection of investment and with concerns and risks arising from TTIP. In the final section, the authors analyse political consequences of launching TTIP. The authors conclude that the establishment of a free trade area covering the EU and the US could contribute to economic recovery on both sides of the Atlantic. The combination of lower production costs in the US with the highest European technological poten­tial is a prerequisite for the production of excellent products at competitive prices and their sales in international markets, which in turn can stop the trend of decline in the role of the EU and the US in the world trade. The TTIP would also strengthen transatlantic political ties and make the voice of the EU and the US more powerful in the process of searching solutions of many problems of the modern world. The authors use descriptive and analytical method of analysis based on journal articles, infor­mation obtained from the Internet and publications of international organizations.

The paper is devoted to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which is also called the Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA). The problem is whether TTIP should be created, and if yes, what shape it should take, and how it will affect the economies of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). The aim of the paper is to answer the questions: what is the essence of the TTIP agreement, what reasons for this project are and what consequences will it have? At first, the authors present a declining role of the EU and the US in the global economy. Next, they analyse trade and investment flows between the EU and the US. Then, they analyse main motives for TTIP and present the course of TTIP negotiations. In the next section, the authors discuss the main barriers to the economic relations between the EU and the US. Then, they deal with controversies around the protection of investment and with concerns and risks arising from TTIP. In the final section, the authors analyse political consequences of launching TTIP. The authors conclude that the establishment of a free trade area covering the EU and the US could contribute to economic recovery on both sides of the Atlantic. The combination of lower production costs in the US with the highest European technological potential is a prerequisite for the production of excellent products at competitive prices and their sales in international markets, which in turn can stop the trend of decline in the role of the EU and the US in the world trade. The TTIP would also strengthen transatlantic political ties and make the voice of the EU and the US more powerful in the process of searching solutions of many problems of the modern world. The authors use descriptive and analytical method of analysis based on journal articles, information obtained from the Internet and publications of international organizations.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.0.9.12801

IF ONE LOOKS AT THE EURO-AMERICAN BALANCE OF TRADE ONE FINDS A REMARKABLE LONG-TERM EQUILIBRIUM THAT PERSISTS AT A VERY HIGH LEVEL OF TRADE. ON THE BALANCE, TAFTA SEEMS TO ALREADY EXIST AS FAR AS EASY INTEGRATION IS CONCERNED AND TO BE AS FAR ADVANCED AS THE EU IN THE SAME FIELDS OF INTEGRATION WHILE THE DIFFICULTIES TO OVERCOME SEEM ALSO TO BE VERY SIMILAR. THE AUTHOR WARNS THAT GREAT HARM TO EURO-AMERICAN RELATIONS CAN BE CAUSED BY USING THE SECRET SERVICES TO ADVANCE U.S. ECONOMIC INTERESTS, AND THAT A DIVIDED ATLANTIC AREA WOULD BE DANGEROUS.

THIS PAPER BEGINS BY REVIEWING SOME OF THE THEORETICAL ISSUES TO BE CANVASSED IN ANY CONSIDERATION OF TRADE AND FOREIGN POLICY. THE EMPIRICAL COR OF THE PAPER IS A DESCRIPTION OF THE MANY RECENT PROPOSALS TO ENHANCE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS. IT THEN TURNS TO CONSIDERATION OF A PUZZLE: WHY HAS THIS RESURGENCE OF ATLANTICIST FEVER IN TRADE POLICY HAPPENED NOW? FINALLY, IN THE CONCLUSION, IT DISCUSSES WHETHER THE TRANSATLANTIC FREE TRADE AREA (TAFTA) IS MEANT TO BE AN OBJECTIVE OF POLICY IN ITS OWN RIGHT, OR AN INSTRUMENT USED IN PURSUIT OF SOME OTHER OBJECTIVE. THE PAPER CONCLUDES THAT TAFTA IS NOT SIGNIFICANT FOR TRADE POLICY, BUT IT IS FOR FOREIGN POLICY.

A TRANSATLANTIC FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (TAFTA) IS AN INEVITABLE PART OF THE TRANSATLANTIC FUTURE--SO MUCH SO THAT FAILURE TO ACKNOWLEDGE IT AS EXPLICITLY AS WAS DONE FOR SIMILAR ARRANGEMENTS IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD CAN SIMPLY BE CONSTRUED AS A PLAIN REFUSAL TO STATE THE OBVIOUS. THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT THE TIME TO ARRANGE FOR A WIDENING OF THE SECURITY COMMUNITY KNOWN AS NATO AND OF THE ECONOMIC UNION KNOWN AS EU WILL COME AFTER THE 1996 ELECTIONS IN RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES, AND AFTER THE EU'S INTERGOVERNMENTAL CONFERENCE SCHEDULED TO BEGIN IN 1996. TAFTA DEMANDS THAT A POLITICAL CASE BE MADE BEFORE IT IS TURNED INTO AN ECONOMIC ARGUMENT.

THERE HAS BEEN ONLY A LIMITED ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL AS WELL AS ECONOMIC RATIONALE FOR A TRANSATLANTIC FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (TAFTA), AND EVEN LESS OF A SCENARIO TO LAUNCH SUCH AN INITIATIVE. THE RATIONALE COMPRISES THREE MUTUALLY SUPPORTIVE COMPONENTS: THE SUBSTANTIVE COMPOSITION OF AN AGREEMENT, THE IMPACT ON THE OVERALL INTERNATIONAL TRADING SYSTEM, AND THE BROAD GEOSTRATEGIC CONSEQUENCES. IN THIS ESSAY THE AUTHOR ADDRESSES EACH IN TURN AND SKETCHES OUT FIRST STEPS THAN CAN BE TAKEN IN 1996 TO LAY THE GROUNDWORK FOR A MORE FORMAL INITIATIVE IN 1997.

MUCH HAS BEEN MADE OF A TRANSATLANTIC FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (TAFTA) AS A POSSIBLE FRAMEWORK FOR POST-COLD WAR RELATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO ATLANTIC POWERS. A POSITIVE ROLE FOR THE DIALOGUE IS TO EMPHASIZE SHARED NORTH AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN ECONOMIC GOALS. A TRANSATLANTIC FRAMEWORK COULD REDRESS THE MOOD OF MUTUAL ECONOMIC NEGLECT THAT IS AN INEVITABLE BYPRODUCT OF OTHER AGENDAS. THIS ARTICLE NOTES THAT AT THE SAME TIME THE PARTIES COULD SET THE PRIORITIES FOR FUTURE GLOBAL NEGOTIATORS.